
Credit: Mutual Care Now
I suspect most of us are more tired than angry. Tired of the sorting. Tired of being told that everyone on the other side of a two-letter label is a fool or a monster. Tired of watching the same shouting match run on every screen while the rent goes up, the paycheck stays flat, and the people doing the actual taking never seem to appear on either channel. That exhaustion is a signal, and it is worth listening to.
This piece does three things:
Shows the exhaustion is measured, not imagined, in national survey data.
Names the pattern underneath the politics: bullies, parasites, and the rest of us who subsidize both.
Hands you one question that works on any law or policy, no jersey required.
The fight that matters runs between who takes and who gets taken from. Everything else is staging. Let us start with the numbers on the staging itself.
Section I: The Exhaustion Has Numbers Behind It
We are not guessing that people feel this way. The Pew Research Center asked Americans how they feel about their own politics in September 2023, and the answers read like a national sigh:
79% of adults reached for a negative word or phrase to describe U.S. politics.
84% said political debate has become less respectful.
78% said it has become less fact-based.
57% said disagreements between Republicans and Democrats get too much attention.
78% said important issues facing the country get too little.
Read those last two together. A majority says the fight itself is over-covered, and nearly four in five say the things that actually shape their lives are under-covered. These are perceptions, not proof that anyone is pulling strings. The survey measures what people believe about their politics, and what they believe is that the argument has swallowed the agenda.
I take that seriously. When tens of millions of people across every affiliation report the same hollow feeling, the feeling is data. The question is what fills the space the argument occupies. To answer it, we have to stop looking at the jerseys and start looking at the structure.
Section II: The Theft Doesn't Check Your Voter Registration
Bullies and parasites are those in our neighborhoods and nations who steal from others and reduce them to slaves. They exploit lives to subsidize their own. This happens in dictatorship and democracy. In communism and capitalism. In government and industry. The pattern does not care how you vote, because the pattern predates your ballot by several thousand years.
The three actors are simple to name:
Bullies take by force. Bullies take because they can. It is just that simple.
Parasites take by stealth, draining resources while wearing the costume of legitimacy.
Slaves are the rest of us, whose labor, health, and hopes subsidize the first two.
Reviewers noticed something about this framework that matters here. The U.S. Review of Books wrote that the book's criticisms are "not rooted in any particular political ideology or party affiliation." I told Publishers Weekly the book is neither a defense nor an indictment of any political party. That was not a marketing position. It is the whole point. A taxonomy that only worked on one party would be a campaign flyer. This one works on systems, and systems are bipartisan about extraction.
So if the theft runs through every system and every party, why do we spend our energy fighting each other instead of it?
Section III: Invented Enemies and the Art of the Steal
My father and brother were both involved in stage magic, so I learned firsthand how many illusions and close-up tricks work. One key technique is misdirection: drawing the focus of the audience away from one thing and toward another. Both hands are shown empty. The right hand flings outward, fingers stretched, and your eyes lock onto it while the left hand palms the coin. You never saw the steal because your focus was expertly moved. Professional magicians have sophisticated versions of this. So do human parasites. Only they steal, not entertain.
Misdirection works by shifting your attention away from what matters, in order to steal it from you. Its larger cousins show up wherever attention is worth money:
Misdirection: point your focus at one hand while the other hand works.
Distraction: build up an encompassing threat until it consumes attention and crowds out the simple facts of your own life and circumstances.
Invented enemies: manufacture fear by caricaturing whole groups of people as monsters, threats, or villains, so their manufactured menace becomes your obsession.
That last one deserves a hard look, because it is the engine of partisan sorting. Bullies and parasites demonize others to turn them into your enemies. The smear is old and recycled: it has been aimed at the Irish, Italians, Poles, Jews, Germans, Mexicans, Arabs, Asians, Muslims, Catholics, and Hispanics in their turn, and at Native Americans before any of them. The costume changes. The function holds. A population busy fearing its neighbors is a population not watching its ledger.
Here is the caution I want to be honest about. None of this requires a smoke-filled room. I am not claiming the two parties meet on Tuesdays to coordinate your distraction, and the survey data above cannot prove anyone's intent. What the pattern shows is simpler and older: division pays, whether or not any individual planned it. Propaganda is cheaper than violence. When keeping people sorted into warring camps is cheaper than answering their material needs, the sorting tends to continue on its own momentum. You do not need a conspiracy when you have an incentive.
Section IV: Open the Vault and Read the Ledger
If the argument is the staging, the ledger is the show. And the ledger is public. You can read it yourself, no pundit required. Three federal data sources, none of them partisan, tell you where the material stakes actually sit:
Source | What It Measures | Why It Matters Here |
|---|---|---|
Quarterly U.S. household wealth since 1989, split into the top 0.1%, the rest of the top 1%, the 90th to 99th percentiles, the 50th to 90th, and the bottom 50%, built from Financial Accounts aggregates and Survey of Consumer Finances data | It is the official map of who owns what. The categories alone tell you the government itself tracks a top 0.1% as its own economic class. | |
In 2023, 80.5 million workers were paid hourly. 81,000 earned exactly the $7.25 federal minimum and 789,000 earned below it, together 1.1% of hourly workers, concentrated in service and leisure and hospitality jobs | It bounds the low-pay floor with real counts. BLS notes the survey cannot determine who is legally covered by which wage law, so these are exposure numbers, not verdicts. | |
In 2023, 92.0% of people had health insurance, and employment-based plans covered 53.7%, down 0.7 percentage points from 2022 | More than half the country's health security rides on an employer. That is a measure of dependence, whatever its causes, and dependence is where extraction finds its leverage. |
Notice what none of these tables contains: a party column. Wealth concentration, wage floors, and employer-tied insurance do not sort by ballot. They sort by position in the structure. The family in the bottom 50% of the wealth distribution holds that position whether they watch one cable channel or the other. The hotel housekeeper near the wage floor cleans the same rooms either way.
I honestly don't care if some people are far richer than others. I just believe everyone should have their common needs met, by everyone, and we can do it. The ledger is not an argument for envy. It is an argument for attention. Look where the wealth pools, look where the dependence concentrates, and then ask who benefits when your attention is elsewhere.
Section V: What the Research Says, and What It Can't
Does the extraction cause the division? Here we owe you precision, because the honest answer is narrower than the satisfying one. The research establishes some things and stops short of others:
A Princeton working paper by McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal documents that economic inequality and party polarization both rose after the 1970s, and finds that partisanship became more stratified by income between 1956 and 1996. That is their interpretation of older data, and it shows the two trends moving together, with class position increasingly predicting the jersey.
A peer-reviewed study using six waves of World Values Survey data from 1990 to 2020 finds a positive, statistically significant association between income inequality and political polarization across countries, and its own authors note that prior evidence is mixed.
What neither study proves: that inequality causes polarization, here or anywhere. Association is not mechanism, and a global average is not the United States.
So we hold the claim at its true size. The measured world shows extraction and division rising together and increasingly tracking each other. The book's argument is that this pairing is an old and recognizable pattern, one the twelve parasitic techniques predict, with distraction and invented enemies on the list by name. You can accept that reading or contest it. What you cannot do is find the answer inside the left-right frame, because the frame is the thing under examination.
Section VI: One Question That Ignores the Jersey
Every law, existing or proposed, should be judged by a simple test: Does it foster mutual care, or does it unfairly benefit some at the expense of others? If it's theft, expose and reject it. If it advances mutual care, support and sustain it. The compressed version: "If it favors or enriches bullies or parasites, reject or repeal it."
Run it honestly and the question embarrasses both team colors:
Preferential tax carve-outs, written to favor those who can afford the lobbyists who wrote them, fail the test no matter which party's donors cash the benefit. The book names taxes levied in preferential ways as one of the plainest evil laws.
Scraps-from-the-table programs fail it too. We accept trickle-down economics and even social-welfare programs like dogs hoping for scraps from the table, when the standard should be whether common needs actually get met, not whether the scraps arrive with the right branding.
Tainted labels fail before the policy is even read. When a proposal is shouted down as socialism, or waved through as pro-growth, before anyone runs the test, the label has done the parasite's work of skipping the question entirely.
And no, the test is not smuggled-in ideology. "Mutual care isn't a communist or socialist conspiracy. It works just fine in a capitalist economy; you just have to decide to do it." One question. Any law. Any party. The test does not ask who proposed it. It asks who it feeds.
What to Do With This
The sorting machine will keep running whether you cooperate or not. Cooperation is the only part you control. Start here:
Notice when a label arrives before an argument.
Run the litmus test on one law this week.
Read the ledger yourself before the pundits summarize it for you.
Refuse invented enemies. Your neighbor is not the one emptying the vault.
Join the newsletter and get the framework a piece at a time.
I suspect most of us don't want to fight our neighbors. We were handed the fight, along with the jerseys, and told it was the only game in town. It never was. The real contest is older, quieter, and it is being won by the people who profit most when we never look up from the scrimmage.
Stop picking a team. Start picking the question.
Sources
Pew Research Center, September 2023 report on Americans' feelings about politics, for the survey findings.
Federal Reserve, Distributional Financial Accounts, for the wealth-distribution categories.
Bureau of Labor Statistics, Minimum Wage Workers in 2023, for the wage-floor counts.
U.S. Census Bureau, Health Insurance Coverage in the United States: 2023, for the insurance figures.
McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal at Princeton and Gu and Wang's 2021 cross-country study, for research on inequality and polarization.
U.S. Review of Books Author Spotlight and the Publishers Weekly Spotlight, for the interview quotations.

